| FAROOQ NASEER |
Home Address:
420 Temple Street, # 504
New Haven, CT 06511
Telephone: (203) 436-2134 (home) |
Office Address:
Department of Economics
Yale University
PO Box 208268
New Haven, CT 06520-8268
Fax: (203) 432-2128
Citizenship: Pakistan |
| Fields of
Concentration: |
Development Economics
Applied Econometrics |
| Desired Teaching: |
Development Economics
Microeconomic Theory
Applied Econometrics |
| Comprehensive
Examinations Completed: |
May, 2002 (Oral) Development
Economics and Econometrics
May, 2001 (Written) Microeconomic and Macroeconomic Theory |
| Dissertation Title: |
Role of Markets and
Community-based Institutions in Economic Development |
| Committee: |
Professor Robert Evenson
Professor Michael Boozer
Professor Christopher Udry |
| Expected Completion
Date: |
May 2006 |
| Degrees: |
Ph.D., Economics, Yale University,
expected May 2006
M.Phil., Economics, Yale University, December 2003
M.A., Economics, Yale University, May 2002
B.Sc.(Honors), Economics, Lahore University of Management Sciences - LUMS, 2000 |
| Fellowships, Honors and
Awards: |
Yale University Dissertation
Fellowship, Spring 2005
Ryoichi Sasakawa Young Leaders Fellowship, 20022003
Yale University Graduate Fellowship, 20002004
LUMS Merit Fellowship, 19982000
National Management Foundation Prizes, 2000, graduated first place in my field and in
the bachelors program |
| Teaching Experience: |
Teaching Fellow, Principles of
Microeconomics, Yale University, 2004 & 2005
Teaching Fellow, Graduate Microeconomics, Yale University, 2005
Instructor, Applied Econometrics, LUMS, Summer 2002 |
| Work Experience: |
Computing Assistant,
Information Technology Services, Yale University, 20042006
Consultant, World Bank, Pakistan Rural Household Survey Project, Summer 2004
Research Assistant to Professor Anjum Nasim, LUMS, Summer 2001
Field Work, Implemented a socio-economic survey in southern Philippines, which
collected information on about 1000 households and over 300 community organizations
(collaboration between Economic Growth Center and the University of Philippines, Los
Banos). I managed a team of 7 group interviewers besides coordinating the overall
project supervision. |
| Papers: |
"Whither Quality? Incentives in the Sugarcane Market in
Pakistan", mimeo, Yale Univerrsity, 2005. [job market paper] |
"Community Organizations: Do they have a (sustainable) role in
sustainable development?", (in progress), Yale University, 2005. |
|
| Professional
Affiliation: |
American Economic Association |
| Language Skills: |
English (fluent), Urdu (fluent),
Hindi (spoken, fair), Arabic (basic) |
| References: |
Professor Robert Evenson
Department of Economics
Yale University
PO Box 208269
New Haven, CT 06520-8269
Fax: (203) 432-3898
Email: robert.evenson@yale.edu
Professor Michael Boozer
Department of Economics
Yale University
PO Box 208269
New Haven, CT 06520-8269
Fax: (203) 432-3898
Email: michael.boozer@yale.edu |
Professor Christopher Udry
Department of Economics
Yale University
PO Box 208269
New Haven, CT 06520-8269
Fax: (203) 432-3898
Email: udry@yale.edu |
| Dissertation Abstract: |
Information problems often limit
market performance in less developed countries. It is well known that under these
conditions, contracts and personal networks can facilitate market exchange. This
dissertation examines various institutions, such as market pricing mechanisms and
community organizations, in order to better grasp their role in economic development. In
the first chapter, I examine the contractual forms in Pakistans agricultural markets
and their impact on industry growth. In the final two chapters, we look at factors that
determine the success of community groups in sustaining themselves over the long term and
what that might mean for local economic outcomes.
The first chapter, Whither Quality? Incentives in the Sugarcane Market in Pakistan,
examines the causes of low sugarcane quality in Pakistan, which has a fundamental impact
on mill profits in an industry facing persistent losses. Even though it is the 7th largest
sugarcane producer in the world, Pakistan ranks 28th among 34 cane-producing countries in
terms of sugar yield. In spite of this, it is puzzling that mills do not provide
incentives for quality in the existing market set up, choosing instead to focus their
efforts to lobby for greater control, or at least supervision, over a farmers
planting decisions.
It is often claimed that mills in Pakistan apply arbitrary premium/deduction to cane
prices (nominally set on the basis of weight) at the time of purchase with a view
to encourage better quality product. First, we look at prices in the market to determine
if there are indeed any returns to cane farmers from an investment in quality. Using
detailed survey data on household production and sales, we find no returns to the use of
quality-enhancing inputs. This result employs mill fixed effects and is robust to
alternative specifications.
Second, we find that few households (less than 13%) switch from one mill to another over a
three-year period despite the presence of substantial mill effects in payments. This
suggests that switching mills is not as costless to the farmers as is often stated. The
result implies that sugar mills still enjoy a virtual monopsony over their
suppliers, which is in contrast to the belief in policy circles that low quality arises
from excessive competition over cane supply which in turn inhibits investment
by the mills in research and extension due to a potential for hold-up.
These results indicate that the sugar mills need to provide clear incentives to individual
farmers for investment in quality. I argue that, short of such direct incentives, the
industry will continue to suffer. Thus, any policy reform of this industry should
encourage mills to invest in the latest technology which allows reliable measurement of
sugarcane quality, and hence, design contracts that induce farmers to optimally choose
quality.
In the second chapter, Community Organizations: Do they have a (Sustainable) Role in
Sustainable Development? I look at voluntary community organizations in a sample of 55
villages in the Philippines and outline the factors that determine their relative
longevity. An increasingly dominant paradigm in development emphasizes the importance of
the private sector for determining the outcomes of development intervention. Indeed,
international aid agencies now routinely insist on involving, or creating, local
civic organizations to assist in identification, implementation as well as eventual
ownership of development projects.
The idea behind such bottom-up, demand-driven approaches to development intervention
appears two-fold: better long term outcomes as well as local capacity building. Although
there is abundant, albeit questionable, evidence on the first point, there is little
consideration in the empirical literature of the conditions under which a community
organization might continue to serve its objectives over a long term. This begs the
question whether outside involvement in catalyzing civic participation can ever produce
long-term sustainable outcomes for a community.
Philippines has a long history of civic participation in voluntary groups with the result
that its barrios today present an interesting opportunity to study a rich mosaic of
groups formed with different aims and objectives. Based on data collected from the leaders
of both active and de-funct community groups (that used to function in our sample villages
post-1990), I estimate hazard models to predict the rate of failure of these voluntary
groups. I show that, controlling for community heterogeneity, groups that have regular
elections and better educated leaders tend to survive longer as well-functioning
organizations. These findings have some relevance for what kind of design and leadership
attributes may be desirable in a group to make a sustainable impact on a community.
The third chapter of my dissertation explores whether community organizations might help
reduce transactions costs. The idea goes back to Theodore Schultz (1953), who hypothesized
that villages located farther away from town centers are likely to face higher transaction
costs caused by a lack of information and market opportunities. Under these
circumstances, it is expected that a family enterprise will have an advantage over
traditional arm's length exchange. In fact, the social capital literature posits a
role for norms and social networks in the personalized exchange that often takes place in
these situations.
Transactions costs are generally quite hard to measure. I use a measure developed by
Evenson, Kimhi and DeSilva (2000), in which they employ frontier production function
estimates for agricultural households in Philippines to impute an estimate of technical
inefficiency attributable to transaction costs. This measure is then compared with a
social capital index for the same set of villages to see if the two are correlated. The
latter index was constructed from the latest round of Bicol Survey using data generated
from a modified World Bank instrument, which included questions about norms, civic
participation and communal trust environment. |